Problems with the concept of 'consolidating hindu ecosystem'

 There are some people who think that the concept of ‘strengthening Hindu ecosystem’ is a great concept and that it generally reflects the will of the hindus at large.

I think there are a few problems with such view:

Firstly, there have always been problems with any society that tried to build it on the basis of any religion. See the history of countries based on evocative slogans like “Islam khatre mein hai” or the Western countries that had to see the wisdom in separating Caesar and Church. Unlike other religions, Hinduism does not even have one Book.

Secondly, there are varieties and varieties of Hindus. You have people who ask you ‘garv se kaho hum hindu hain’. There are those who think ‘garv’ is one of the six internal enemies identified by ancient scriptures ‘kaama krodha lobha moha mada maatsarya’. Therefore you have to be self-effacing and cannot have any ‘garv’. And then you have people who think that the self-styled champions of hindutva do not represent so-called Hindu interests. According to them, they are not doing enough in taking temples free from Government control. There are also allegations that beef exporters have contributed in electoral bonds, whereas a rickshawpuller carrying beef in a closed gunny bag faces a threat of being lynched. There also people who push ordinary Hindus more and more into fear about losing their culture and losing their traditions, without any trouble to check facts. There are also saints and spiritually inclined Hindus who prefer to look within and allow Upanishadic quest in search of Truth. Ramana Maharshi advocated self-inquiry as the path towards self-realisation. J Krishna Murthy was fully initiated into all theosophical aspects of Hinduism but proclaimed that Truth is a pathless land. There are also work-oriented hindus who spread no hatred against others, but spend enormous amounts of energy silently in areas like promotion of ayurveda or maintaining gau shalas or annadan, with religious inspiration and help in promoting universal love and brotherhood. 

Thirdly, Hindus have castes and have people outside the caste system, including scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. There are caste and regional bonds that are seen stronger in day to day lives to many, rather than bonds based on religion.There are also very disturbing instances of caste based discrimination and violence. There are several instances of the socially and economically privileged caste persons trying to promote their kith and kin in matters of business development or promotions or recommendations and of course, perpetuating power and influence through marriages within the same caste. The efforts to address these imbalances, either through reservations in government educational institutions and government jobs or through schemes like cash incentive for inter-caste marriages or by strict implementation of SC and STs (Prevention of atrocities) Act have seen limited success. Most disturbing instances of deaths and ill health due to inhalation of poisonous gases while cleaning sewage pipes or soak pits point towards need for technological innovations by urban local bodies and others as well as stricter implementation of  Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, 2013.

Fourthly, material facts can be checked and measured. Models can be built to quantify. But Hindu ecosystem defies easy measurement. Does one measure it on the basis of how many lynchings of people of other faiths been done or on the basis of how much hatred you are promoting about others? Is there a way to measure it on its own, without linking it with what we do with people of other religions ?

Fifthly, attempts to control any such system would always produce somebody who is better than you in the game. If Ayodhya is done, you have Kashi, Mathura left. If they are done, you have a temple that was demolished some centuries ago in my village or in yours. There is no end to this game. Meanwhile the law of the land gets dishonoured and institutions designed to act as checks and balances are made to fail.

Sixthly, one can always criticise Nehru or the British Government. But what alternative systems of governance are there to offer ? Can we build better computer chips using Vedic mathematics ? You can delete Mughal history pages from school text books. But, will that automatically generate engineers and technicians who can build stronger roads, bridges and buildings that withstand the vagaries of seasons ? Would that help children to inculcate values of team spirit and working together harmoniously ? Is it really possible to have a governance system based on Manu Smriti? What would be the role of women and dalits in nation building in such a framework ?

Seventhly, there are so many living elements of syncretic culture in every nook and corner of India, if you look at how various services in religious places are provided, how various art forms have developed, music, songs, movies and great pieces of literature celebrating the human spirit. Can we deny all this ?

Finally, who is a Hindu ? If one thinks belief in Vedas is an essential element in classifying somebody to be a Hindu, how many people have read the Vedas or understood what is in them before deciding whether they have belief in them or not ? There are no defined methods of worship. There are multiple Gods and Godesses. Charvaks, who advocated atheism, were also part of Hindus. There are no rigid controls. Individual choice is respected. If we accept the Census definition and classify as Hindu whoever claims to be one, it is not possible to  prevent atheists or marxists from being Hindu. A vast majority of Hindus are satisfied with the freedom to worship whomever they want and in celebration of festivals, without any illwill towards people of other faiths ? The very nature of hinduism has roots in "Ekam Sat, vipraah bahudhaa vadanti", " Tat twam asi" and 'Vasudhaiva kutumbakam".   How then would anybody consolidate the Hindu ecosystem ?

Therefore, I think any such projects are clever efforts in self-aggrandisement. They may give the rulers some temporary benefits. But, they cannot result in adding more glory to our great culture or in a harmonious, peaceful society or in building a competitive and egalitarian economy or in citizen-oriented, accountable governance systems. Consolidation of hindu ecosystem cannot be an excuse for politicians to attend religious functions in temples, with full media coverage. We as a nation, need to take concerted steps to see that religion is not mixed with politics and that people holding positions of authority must keep their religions at home, attend places of their choice of worship with family and close friends and without video or still cameras. It is also necessary for Governments to withdraw from nominating people in hindu religious boards, so that hindu endowments are managed by the hindus themselves, without relying on state machinery.

 

 Tripuraneni's Shambuka vadha:  Foundation stone of rationalism

Tripuraneni Ramaswamy (1887-1943) was a lawyer, playwright, rationalist, poet and social reformer. His play titled ‘Shambuka vadha’ written in 1920 created a sensation in Telugu literature. It remains an outstanding piece of writing till date.

Shambuka’s episode is found in Uttara Ramayana. In Rama Rajya, it is said that there were no untimely deaths. One day, a brahmin lost his son. As per Manu Smriti, untimely death occurs to Brahmin children in a kingdom in which non-brahmins do Tapasya. On the basis of this saying, the sages lead by Vasistha informed the king that somewhere in the kingdom, a non-brahimn could be doing Tapasya and that because of this violation of varna ashrama dharma, the brahmin boy died. Rama conducted his search for the offender and found that somewhere in the southern part of the country, a Shudra by name Shambuka was hanging upside down from the branch of a tree near a lake. Rama beheads Shambuka. As soon as the head of Shambuka fell on ground, the brahmin boy in Ayodhya started breathing again. Broadly this is the story of Shambuka.

Without altering the above broad story, Tripuraneni Ramaswamy questions the injustice in  practice of varna dharma from a rationalist point of view, in this four-act play. He creates the characters of Hanuman, Angad and disciples of Shambuka, which were not there in the original. In the first act, Shambuka has a dialogue with Angada,who visits him. In the second act, we have a narration of brahmin conspiracies and discussions on Shambuka’s tapsya and how Vasistha briefs Rama on the subject. In the third act, Angada forewarns Shambuka regarding the conspiracy of brahmins. In the fourth Act, Rama kills Shambuka.

In this creation of Tripuraneni Ramaswamy, Rama enters into dialogue with Shambuka and convinces himself that he is innocent. He starts his return journey to Ayodhya without any punitive action. But he is pressurised once again by Vasistha and other brahmins, after which Rama finds no alternative. He finally kills Shambuka. It is to be noted that in the original version, no such opportunity of dialogue is mentioned. Perhaps the intention of this variation by T Ramaswamy is not to make a negative criticism of the character of Rama but to portray the negativity of the practice of varna dharma. Perhaps, the idea was not to offend the sentiments of large population but to highlight how Brahminism has caused injustice to the shudras, by wrongly influencing the rulers.

In this play, Shambuka is portrayed as a representative of shudras and as a peaceful person, well versed in Shastras and as very hospitable. When Angada indicates the possibility of his killing, Shambuka replies that such an eventuality could cause more benefit to Anaryas than to the Aryas. In this play, Angada’s character asks Shambuka whether it is not true that the Shastras prohibit Tapas by shudras. Shambuka questions him  how those Shastras can be our Shastras, when we were not consulted. He further elaborates how Shudras are denied from getting the knowledge from the Vedas and from reaching God.

An interesting point in this play is when Hanuman wonders how exactly brahmin boy dies because of the penance of a non-brahimn. He is given a reply by a brahmin representative, “Hanuman, your effort in asking this question is commendable; but, don’t you know that people like you have no right to take part in discussion on Shastras ? ”

Tripuraneni Ramaswamy does not indulge in blasphemy. He questions the irrational, illogical and inhuman practices and conspiracies born out of blind beliefs, but does not hurt the feelings of the believers. In this sense, he attacked Brahminism without promoting hatred against Brahmins.

                                                  (-------Bolloju Baba, Andhra Jyothi, 14.1.2023)

 

Myth of subjugation of Hinduism

This is with reference to an article published in the Swarajya Magazine¹. The issues mentioned are already being agitated from time to time in various available legal fora. For example, the Supreme Court has already given its verdict on entry of women in Sabarimala temple, on Jallikattu and on ‘Amruta manohi’ properties of Lord Jagannath. While there is no doubt the attacks on Kashmiri Pandits in 1990 and in subsequent years are indeed unfortunate, I do not agree that Kashmir is representative of Hindu persecution, as evidence does not indicate such things happening in other States. On the constitutional issues raised, I would like to point out the following.

Firstly, there is no evidence to conclude that Hinduism is in danger, when the individuals comprising the State institutions are mostly Hindus, whether we consider the lawmakers in Parliament and State legislatures or officers in the senior civil services or police services or at the cutting edge level. It is to be noted that predominantly high number of judicial officers at all levels are Hindus and the same can be told about the fourth pillar. Therefore, if educational institutions are required to adhere to CBSE or ICSE or State Board syllabus or if they are asked to take care of the children from the poor families by RTE Act, it cannot be construed by any stretch of imagination that Hindus are under threat. It is worth noting that large number of officials of the State machinery are required to be used in making ancillary arrangements for orderly conduct of Jagannath Rath Yatra, which include regulation of the crowds outside the temple area, transport arrangements for large number of pilgrims, medical or ambulance facilities etc. Similarly, temple land disputes are being adjudicated by the designated revenue Courts in different States as per Law. Such activities do not indicate that the State is acting ‘against’ the interest of Hindus.

Secondly, there have been reform movements within the Hindu fold, not only at the level championed by Raja Ram Mohan Roy, but at all levels. For example, in Taratarini Temple of Ganjam district of Odisha, a movement against ritualistic animal sacrifice was initiated in late 1970’s and early 1980’s by Sashi Bhushan Rath and others. It resulted in the district administration issuing a formal order prohibiting animal sacrifices in January, 1981. Similar movement in case of Byaghradevi temple was launched by Padmanabha Panigrahi. In North Dinajpur Kali temple in Bengal, the temple committee banned animal sacrifice last year. ²After years of protracted efforts by dalits to gain right to enter Jagannath temple in Kendrapara district of Odisha, the officers in the administration persuaded the upper caste persons to permit the entry, backed by orders of the High Court. Prior to this, the upper caste persons had free entry while the dalits were paying obesiance through holes created on the temple wall³. In order to dissuade the people from following this practice, the then Secretary of STSC Development Department of Odisha Government went to the temple and had elaborate discussion with the opposing upper caste persons, based on the law as well as Hindu scriptures. In Vellakoil block of Thiruppur district in Tamil Nadu, the agitation of dalits seeking temple entry intensified in April this year.⁴ At present, the State Governments have been supporting the reform movements by taking up firm measures whenever required. If the Government completely withdraws from rendering even ancillary support to the temples, one is not sure whether larger public purpose would be served. However, there are some extremely good examples of excellent services being rendered to the pilgrims as well as in other related areas, like the case of Chilkur Balaji temple on the outskirts of Hyderabad. The role of an enlightened leadership in such temples and the possibility of what happens in the absence of such leadership in other temples, if the withdrawal of State from temples happens everywhere, are points worth engaging attention.

Thirdly, the issues of temple management are increasingly being heard by various Courts. Orders are being issued in these matters from time to time. For example, in May this year, AP High Court issued an order exempting temples with annual income less than Rs 5 lakh from making contributions to Endowments Department.⁵ In September this year, the Supreme Court heard a PIL on the demand to free temples from Government control.⁶ Tamil Nadu legislature passed a law on Jallikattu, which is under challenge in Supreme Court.⁷ It is also relevant to note that Supreme Court is already hearing a PIL on whether religious conversions are happening based on allurement.⁸

From the above it can be seen that wherever issues are being raised, there are existing avenues as per law to address them. It appears therefore that there is no need for a Constitutional amendment. But if the issues do require a Constitutional amendment, it can be done by following the due procedure, as has been done in over 100 occasions so far. The bigger question is where one is led to by raising the bogey of Hinduism being in danger. One needs to be aware of the risk of frittering away the gains of decades of reform movements within the Hindu fold. If non-issues are debated with more and more shrill voices, the real issues affecting the people at large may be hoped to be forgotten. Ignorance is spread when real issues are not debated and time is given to imaginary problems. It is a simple matter to change the name of a road from Aurangazeb to Abdul Kalam. It is a tough matter of introspection to move from an authoritarian, discriminatory and unaccountable system to a governance mechanism that is accountable, smart, transparent one that protects the rights of all citizens without any discrimination on grounds of religion, caste, language, place of birth or gender. What has strengthened Sanathan Dharma over the years is not any particular set of rulers at any given point of time, but the overall culture in which questions are raised and debated without any bar.

1https://swarajyamag.com/ideas/the-constitutional-subjugation-of-hinduism-a-hindu-cry-for-equal-rights

2https://www.thestatesman.com/bengal/north-dinajpur-temple-bans-animal-sacrifice-1503022872.html

3https://indianexpress.com/article/india/kendrapara-jagannath-temple-management-deliberates-to-remove-barricade-for-darshan-of-lord-5163553/

4https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/tamil-nadu/dalits-plan-temple-entry-agitation/article3281547.ece

5https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/andhra-pradesh/high-court-reprieve-to-temples-having-annual-income-of-up-to-5-lakh/article65411049.ece

6https://indianexpress.com/article/india/on-pil-seeking-to-free-temples-from-govt-control-sc-seeks-more-material-in-support-8125936/

7https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/jallikattu-not-a-blood-sport-says-supreme-court-on-pleas-against-bull-taming-3590312

8https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/charity-is-welcome-but-the-intention-should-not-be-religious-conversion-supreme-court/article66226160.ece